CULTURAL  NOTES

ON

SYRIA AND LEBANON

By Rudolph Aceves and Jill Dolinoy and Margaret Quillen, May 2002.

 

 

  A DEFINITION OF CULTURE

 

 

WHAT IS CULTURE?

To define culture is something that anthropologists spend lifetimes trying to do.  Culture can be many things to different people.  It can be:

--the way you dress

--what you eat

--when you eat

--how you address an elder

--your religion

--your role as a man or a woman

--the way you treat a teacher

--if you work or not

--the music you appreciate

--the way you dance

--your political preference

--the size of your family

 

A web site, dictionary.com,

defines culture as follows:

 

cul·ture   Pronunciation Key  (klchr) n.

1 a.The totality of socially transmitted behavior patterns, arts, beliefs, institutions, and all other products of human work and thought.

b.These patterns, traits, and products considered as the expression of a particular period, class, community, or population: Edwardian culture; Japanese culture; the culture of poverty.

c.These patterns, traits, and products considered with respect to a particular category, such as a field, subject, or mode of expression: religious culture in the Middle Ages; musical culture; oral culture.

d.The predominating attitudes and behavior that characterize the functioning of a group or organization.

 

2.  Intellectual and artistic activity and the works produced by it.

      

3. a.Development of the intellect through training or education.

b.Enlightenment resulting from such training or education.

4.    A high degree of taste and refinement formed by aesthetic and Intellectual training.

      

5. Special training and development: voice culture for singers and actors.

6. The cultivation of soil; tillage.

 

7. The breeding of animals or growing of plants, especially to produce improved stock.

 

8. Biology.

a.The growing of microorganisms, tissue cells, or other living matter in a specially prepared nutrient medium.

b.Such a growth or colony, as of bacteria.

 

 

The Scholastic Children’s Dictionary defines culture as:

 

cul-ture (kul-chur) noun

1. An appreciation for the arts, such as music, literature, painting, etc.

 

2 The culture of a group of people is their way of life, ideas, customs, and traditions

 

The Merriam-Webster web site defines culture as:

 

cul·ture

Pronunciation: 'k&l-ch&r

Function: noun

Etymology: Middle English, from Middle French, from Latin, from cultura ,  f., cultus, past participle

Date: 15th century

1 : CULTIVATION, TILLAGE

2 : the act of developing the intellectual and moral faculties  especially by education

3 : expert care and training <beauty culture>

4 a : enlightenment and excellence of taste acquired by intellectual and aesthetic training

b: acquaintance with and taste in fine arts, humanities, and broad aspects of science a distinguished from vocational and technical skills

5 a : the integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon man's capacity for learning and transmitting knowledge to succeeding generations

b : the customary beliefs, social forms, and material traits of a racial, religious, or social group

c: the set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes a company or corporation

 

These are just a couple of examples of how culture is defined from different people’s perspectives.  It is not appropriate to deem one’s definition of culture more sound than another’s.  As you can see in the children’s version, culture is defined in much more simple terms than in the Webster’s Dictionary definition.  This does not mean that the more specific definition is better.  However, in our opinion, all definitions can be taken to interpretation of the reader.

 

  DEMOGRAPHIC, SOCIAL, AND HISTORICAL INFORMATION

 

 

SYRIA 

A Country Study,   

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/sytoc.html

 

 

Country Profile:

Formal Name: Syrian Arab Republic.

Short Form: Syria.

Term for Citizens: Syrians.

Capital: Damascus.

 

Historical Setting:

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+sy0011)

 

 

PRESENT-DAY SYRIA constitutes only a small portion of the ancient geographical Syria. Until the twentieth century, when Western powers began to carve out the rough contours of the contemporary states of Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Israel, the whole of the settled region at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea was called Syria, the name given by the ancient Greeks to the land bridge that links three continents. For this reason, historians and political scientists usually use the term Greater Syria to denote the area in the pre-state period.

 

Historically, Greater Syria rarely ruled itself, primarily because of its vulnerable position between the Mediterranean Sea and the desert. As a marchland between frequently powerful empires on the north, east, and south, Syria was often a battlefield for the political destinies of dynasties and empires. Unlike other parts of the Middle East, Greater Syria was prized as a fertile cereal-growing oasis. It was even more critical as a source of the lumber needed for building imperial fleets in the pre-industrial period.

 

Even though it was exploited politically, Greater Syria benefited immeasurably from the cultural diversity of the peoples who came to claim parts or all of it and who remained to contribute and participate in the remarkable spiritual and intellectual flowering that characterized Greater Syria's cultures in the ancient and medieval periods. Incorporating some of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world, Greater Syria was in a unique position to foster intellectual activities. By 1400 B.C., Damascus (Dimashq), Aleppo (Halab), Hamah (Hamath), Byblos (Gubla), Joffa (Joppa), Homs, Gaza, Tyre (Sur), and Sidon already had been established; some of these cities had flourished for many centuries. Because Greater Syria was usually ruled by foreigners, the inhabitants traditionally identified themselves with their cities, and in contemporary Syria each city continues to have a unique sociopolitical

character.

 

A recurrent theme of Greater Syria's history has been the encounters between Eastern and Western powers on its soil. Even in the ancient period, it was the focus of a continual dialectic, both intellectual and bellicose, between the Middle East and the West. During the medieval period this dialectic was intensified as it became colored by diametrically opposed religious points of view regarding rights to the land. The Christian Byzantines contended with Arabs, and later the Christian Crusaders competed with Muslim Arabs, for land they all held sacred.

 

The advent of Arab Muslim rule in A.D. 636 provided the two major themes of Syrian history: the Islamic religion and the world community of Arabs. According to traditionalist Muslims, the greatest period of Islamic history was the time of the brief rule of Muhammad--the prototype for the perfect temporal ruler-- and the time of the first four caliphs (known as rashidun, rightly guided), when man presumably behaved as God commanded and established a society on earth unequaled before or after. During this period religion and state were one and Muslims ruled Muslims according to Muslim law. The succeeding Umayyad (661-750) and Abbasid (750-1258) caliphates were extensions of the first period and proved the military and intellectual might of Muslims. The history of Greater Syria in the early medieval period is essentially the history of political Islam at one of its most glorious moments--the period of the Umayyad caliphate when the Islamic empire, with its capital at Damascus, stretched from the Oxus River to southern France.

 

A different view of Syrian history denies that the greatness of the Arab past was a purely Islamic manifestation. The history of the Arabs began before the coming of Muhammad, an what Arabs achieved during the Umayyad and Abbasid empires was evidence not only of the rich inheritance from Greek and Roman days but also of the vitality of Arab culture. Since independence in 1946, Syria's history has been dominated by four overriding factors. First is the deeply felt desire among Syrian Arabs--Christian and Muslim alike--to achieve some kind of unity with the other Arabs of the Middle East in fulfillment of their aspirations for regional leadership. Second is a desire for economic and social prosperity. Third is a universal dislike of Israel, which Syrians feel was forcibly imposed by the West and which they view as a threat to Arab unity. The fourth issue is the dominant political role of the military.

 

 

Population

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+sy0031)

 

 

The 1981 census, the last official count for which full details were available in early 1987, showed a population of 8,996,000, not including approximately 340,000 beduin and some 263,000 Palestinian refugees. The growth rate was calculated at about 3.35 percent a year.

 

According to Syrian government reports available in 1987, the population in mid-1986 was 10,612,000 and was growing at an annual rate of 3.36 percent. Various international agencies and United States government sources, however, estimated the annual rate of population increase at between 3.7 and 3.8 percent, one of the highest in the world, and calculated the population at between 10,310,000 and 10,500,000.

 

Both the 1970 and the 1981 censuses suggest that men outnumber women by over 4 percent, but this statistic must be viewed from the perspective of some sociological and biological factors characteristic of the area. Chief among these are the underreporting of women, particularly unmarried women, and the high mortality rate among women of childbearing age.

 

The 1970 census indicated that there were 104.6 men to every 100 women. The corresponding ratio in 1986 was estimated at 104.2 men to 100 women. A regional analysis of the sex ratio according to official 1986 population estimates shows that in the southern provinces of Al Qunaytirah, As Suwayda, and Dar'a, provinces close to the Israeli border, the ratio of men to women is equal. These ratios illustrate the probable decline of males in refugee groups that have men involved in military operations or otherwise separated from their families. The ratio of males is higher in urban than in rural areas. In the cities of Damascus, Latakia, and Aleppo, there are, respectively, 197, 105, and 108 men per 100 women. However, women outnumber men in the rural areas of Aleppo Province, and in rural Al Hasakah, As Suwaydah, and Dar'a. This imbalance occurs at least in part because males go to the cities in search of employment, leaving the women and children in the villages.

 

Syria's rapid population growth is reflected in the youthfulness of its population. Age-related data from Syria's 1986 population estimate indicated that about 49 percent of the population was under 15 years old, and 36 percent was under 10 years old. An analysis of the same data showed that the proportion of people of working age (15 to 59 years) was just over 44 percent of the total. Therefore, the working population supported a large number of inactive youths, to which were added elderly dependents or retirees over the age of 60, whose numbers were slowly rising because of improved health conditions.

 

 

Geography

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+sy0005)

 

 

Size: About 185,180 square kilometers.

 

Topography: Country consists of coastal zone divided by narrow double mountain range from large eastern region that includes various mountain ranges, large desert regions, and Euphrates River basin.

 

Society

 

Education:

Nearly full enrollment in compulsory tuition-free public schools at primary level. School system consists of six years of primary, three years of lower secondary, and three years of upper secondary education. Four major universities and various teacher-training and vocational institutes, all government owned and operated. Adult literacy rate estimated at over 60 percent.

 

Health:

Gastrointestinal ailments, trachoma, and infectious diseases prevalent; considerable progress has been made in control of malaria. Severe shortage of medical and paramedicalpersonnel.

 

Languages:

Official language, Arabic, mother tongue of about 90 percent of population, understood by most others. Kurdish (Kirmanji), Armenian, Turkic, and Syriac spoken by minorities; French and English spoken by educated elites in major urban areas.

 

Religion:

Estimated 85 percent of population adheres to some form of Islam. About 13 to 15 percent of Muslims are Alawis; less than 1 percent, Shias; and remainder, Sunnis. About 10 percent of population observes some form of Christianity, and about 3 percent are Druzes. Small numbers of Jews,Yazidis, and others.

 

 

Structure of Society

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+sy0039)

 

 

In the mid-1980s, Syrian society was in a state of flux. The social, political, and economic developments of the preceding two decades precipitated profound changes and realignments in the social structure, but the implications and probable outcomes of these changes were not entirely clear. This uncertainty arises from the division of Syrian society by vertical cleavages along religious and ethnic lines, as well as by horizontal cleavages along socioeconomic and class lines. Minority groups tend to segregate themselves in their own neighborhoods and villages. Although within a minority group there is a high degree of integration and homogeneity, the group as a whole is often ascribed a certain social status.

 

Traditionally, Syrian society has been divided between landlords and tenants, between urban dwellers and rural peasants, and between a Sunni elite and minority groups. Until the revolutions of the mid-1960s, a syndicate of several hundred Sunni Muslim extended families living in Damascus and Aleppo had dominated life in Syria. Some of these families were of the Sharifan nobility, which claims genealogical descent from the Prophet Muhammad. Most had accumulated great wealth and wielded virtual feudal power as landlords possessing vast agricultural and real-estate holdings. Others made fortunes in industry and trade in the late nineteenth century. Another component of the ruling class was the ulama (sing, alim). This group consisted of religious scholars, Islamic judges (qadis), interpreters of law (muftis), and other persons concerned with the exposition of Sunni Islam. Prosperous Sunni bazaar merchants allied with the great families occupied the next level in the social hierarchy.

The Syrian elite was at the forefront of anti colonial struggle against the Ottoman Empire in World War I and later against the French Mandatory regime. At independence in 1946, Syria's first government was dominated by the old ruling class. However, the elite had never been a monolithic entity, and the new parliament was splintered by factionalism, feuding, and generational differences. These divisions provoked a military coup d'état in 1949 that ushered in a new era in Syrian society.

 

The armed services and the Baath Party were the mechanisms for the rise of a new ruling elite. Although military service traditionally had been disdained by the old Sunni elite, a military career was often the only avenue of upward mobility open to rural minority group members who could not afford an education. Such men enlisted in disproportionate numbers and came to dominate the officer corps and the enlisted ranks of Syria's armed forces. Likewise, disenfranchised elements of society joined the Baath Party. These dual trends culminated in the 1963 Baath Socialist Revolution and the 1970 takeover by the military of the Baath Party.

 

The land reform legislation of 1963 and the nationalization of larger financial, commercial, and industrial establishments virtually eliminated the economic and political power base of the old elite. At the same time, the new elite, comprised of the upper echelon of military and civilian leaders, consolidated its position by cultivating the support of peasants and the proletariat, who benefited from the new economic order. The regime's socialism eroded the position of the bazaar merchants while its secularism removed power from the ulama.

 

After coming to power in 1970, President Hafiz al Assad reversed or relaxed the more strident socialist economic measures instituted in 1963. His expansion of the role of the private sector led to the emergence of a relatively small, but highly visible new class of entrepreneurs and businessmen who made fortunes in real estate, importing, and construction. This class, nicknamed in Syria "the velvet generation," includes higher- ranking government bureaucrats and their relatives who have capitalized on their official positions to monopolize lucrative government contracts. It also has assimilated many members of the old Sunni elite, who have been coopted by the Assad regime and have accommodated themselves to the new elite. To some extent, the old and new ruling classes have merged through business partnerships and marriages that combine the money and prestige of the old elite member and the power and prestige of the new elite member. Despite a well publicized anti-corruption campaign, patronage and favoritism have remained important forces in Syrian society.

 

Under Assad, rural peasants have reaped significant gains in their standard of living, primarily through government transfer payments and grants of land redistributed from the original upper-class owners. However, land reform has not been entirely successful in transforming the social structure of the countryside. In many cases, farmers who had previously depended upon their urban landlords to give credit for financing their crops until harvest and to deal with the government have drifted back into similar relationships with urban interests. The landlord's role as an influential advocate and local leader has not been filled by elected Baath Party representatives. In other cases, rich proprietors have begun to regain control over agricultural land and reconstitute large estates.

 

Since the 1963 Baath Revolution, the approximate middle of Syrian society has remained remarkably stable, both as a percentage of the workforce and in terms of the standard of living and social mobility of its members. Because Syria has not yet developed a large industrial sector, it lacks a true proletariat of wage-earning factory workers. The number of persons employed by private and public sector industry in 1980 was 207,000, or 12 percent of the working population, according to statistics compiled by the Syrian General Federation of Trade Unions. This approximates the size of Syria's "working class."

 

Syria compensates for its lack of a large proletarian class of industrial factory workers by a large and flourishing group of artisans and handicrafters who produce basic commodities such as soap, textiles, glassware, and shoes in small cottage industries. This group is a main component of Syria's traditional middle class, which also encompasses small proprietors, tradesmen, and white-collar employees, and has remained at about 30 percent of the population.

 

Since the 1963 revolution, a new and upwardly mobile class of teachers, scientists, lawyers, technocrats, civil servants, doctors, and other professionals has slowly emerged. This new upper-middle class consists of men and women who rose from the old lower or middle classes by virtue of technical or secular higher education.

 

Even before the revolution of 1963, secular education had become a criterion of status among many ordinary Syrians, especially as higher education ensured a virtually automatic entry into admired and well-paying occupations. The importance of education in this context will probably grow.

 

Values taught in the schools and emphasized in the media reflect those of the group controlling the government and have gained some currency. Nevertheless, the traditional conservatism of the peasants as well as the economic problems of daily survival that have not been alleviated by changes in government policy militate against any sudden change in the values or way of life of the masses.

 

As in other Middle Eastern countries, Syrian society has for millennia been divided into three discrete systems of organization based on ecological factors; these are the town, the village, and the tribe. Although closely interrelated, each fosters a distinct and independent variation of Arab culture. The cities of the Middle East are among the most ancient in the world; urban life has been integral to the society of the region throughout recorded history. Therefore, the townsman and his role are well known to all segments of the population. The tribesman, or beduin, although suffering irreversible changes since the mid- twentieth century, has also been a widely known and admired figure throughout history. The peasant farmer, or fellah (pl., fellahin), although less admired than the townsman or the tribesman, also occupies a position of recognized value.

 

The members of each of the three structural segments of society look on the others as socially distinct. This social distance is symbolized by easily recognized differences in clothing, food, home furnishings, accent, and custom; intermarriage between village, town, and tribal families is usually considered irregular.

 

Traditionally, the cities have been an expression--at the highest level of sophistication and refinement--of the same Arab culture that animated the villages. As Western influence grew, however, during the late nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, the social distance between the city and village increased. Western customs, ideas, techniques, and languages were adopted first in the cities, especially by Christians, while the villages remained ignorant of them. The introduction and adoption of elements of a radically alien culture opened a gap between the city and the village that has not narrowed with time. Only in recent years have modern transportation and mass communication begun to bring the countryside once again into the same cultural orbit as the cities.

 

Although the town, village, and tribe are socially distinct, they depend on each other for services and products and so are related by overall functional ties. The town supplies manufactured, specialty, and luxury products; administrative and governmental services; education and higher learning; sophisticated culture; law and justice; and financing. The village supplies agricultural products; and the tribe provides protection and navigation for caravans, travelers, and traders in the desert. As more and more villagers become educated and move to the cities, and as the beduin surrender their sole mastery of the desert to motor vehicles and the police power of the modern state and begin to adopt a sedentary life, the traditional distinctions will continue to blur. (Data as of April 1987) Today, the president of Syria is Bashar al Assad.

 

 

 

 

• VARIABILITY WITHIN THE GROUP

 

Arabs

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+sy0035)

 

 

The Arabs identify with speakers of their language throughout the Middle East. The majority of Syrian Arabs are Muslims; chiefly Sunni, they also include the Alawis, Ismailis, and Shia. All the Druzes are Arabic-speaking, as are the Jews and half the Christian population; most Christian Arabs are Greek Orthodox, Syrian Orthodox, or Greek Catholic. Being both Arab and Muslim leads many Syrians to feel that the two characteristics are natural companions and that one cannot be an Arab without being Muslim and vice versa.

 

Syrian Arabs are highly conscious of the Islamic-Arab tradition. This is also true of Arab Christians, who follow Muslim customs in many of their daily activities and look with pride to the greatness of the Arab past.

 

Most Syrian Arabs think of the nomadic tribesman as the ideal Arab type. This attitude is common among both villagers and city dwellers, though the latter may also speak of the tribesman as quaint and backward. Arabs generally think of non-Arabs as inferior, but, because these groups are comparatively small and constitute no possible threat to the social position of the Arab majority, the feeling is not very strong.

 

Arabic, one of the most widely spoken languages in the world, is the mother tongue of about 200 million people, from Morocco to the Arabian Sea. One of the Semitic languages, it is related to Aramaic, Phoenician, Syriac, Hebrew, various Ethiopic languages, and the Akkadian of ancient Babylonia and Assyria.

 

Throughout the Arab world, the language exists in three forms: the Classical Arabic of the Quran; the literary language developed from the classical and referred to as Modern Standard Arabic, which has virtually the same structure wherever used; and the spoken language, which in Syria is Syrian Arabic. Educated Arabs, therefore are bilingual, with knowledge of both Modern Standard Arabic and their own dialect of spoken Arabic. Even uneducated Arabic speakers, who in Syria comprise over 40 percent of the population, usually comprehend the meaning of something said in Modern Standard Arabic, although they are unable to speak it; however, they may have difficulty fully understanding radio and television programs,which are usually broadcast in Modern Standard Arabic. Because Classical Arabic is the language of the Quran and is regarded literally as the language of God, Arabs almost unanimously believe that the Arabic language is their greatest historical legacy.

 

Syrian Arabic is similar to Lebanese Arabic, but differs significantly from colloquial Arabic in neighboring Iraq and Jordan. A Syrian would find colloquial Moroccan Arabic virtually incomprehensible. Like most people speaking dialects, Syrians proudly regard their dialect as the most refined. However, few Syrians believe that their dialect is actually correct Arabic. Although they converse in Syrian Arabic, there is general agreement that Modern Standard Arabic, the written language, is superior to the spoken form. Arabs generally believe that the speech of the beduin resembles Classical Arabic most closely and that the local dialects used by settled villagers and townsmen are unfortunate corruptions. To overcome these linguistic barriers, educated Arabs speak Modern Standard Arabic to one another. Uneducated and illiterate Arabs, if Muslim, can converse with other Arabs in Classical Arabic learned from oral recitation of the Quran.

 

Within Syria, regional differences in colloquial vocabulary, grammar, and accent are wide enough that a native speaker can readily identify another speaker's home province, tribe, city, and even his neighborhood from his dialect. For example, Alawis from Al Ladhiqiyah Province are called "Al Qaf" because of their distinct pronunciation of this letter, the "Q".

 

Kurds

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+sy0036)

 

Estimates of the number of Kurds in Syria vary widely, but they are believed to compose about 9 percent of the population. Although some Kurdish tribal groups have lived in the country for generations, many arrived from Turkey between 1924 and 1938, when Mustapha Kemal attempted to force his reform programs on the Kurds there.

 

The Kurds are a fiercely independent tribal people who speak their own language, Kirmanji. Living mainly in the broad, mountainous region of northwestern Iran, eastern Turkey, and northern Iraq, they are a cohesive people with intricate intertribal ties and a deep pride in their own history and traditions. Most Kurds are farmers; some are city dwellers; and others are nomads who drive their flocks far into the mountains in the summer and graze them on the lowlands in the winter.

 

Roughly 35 to 40 percent of the Kurds live in the foothills of the Taurus Mountains north of Aleppo. An equal number live in the Jazirah; about 10 percent in the vicinity of Jarabulus northeast of Aleppo; and from 10 to 15 percent in the Hayy al Akrad (Quarter of the Kurds) on the outskirts of Damascus.

 

Most Kurds are Sunni Muslims; a very small number are Christians and Alawis. In addition, the Syrian Yazidis, who speak Kirmanji, are sometimes considered Kurds. Numbering about 12,000, the Yazidis inhabit the Jabal Siman, west of Aleppo; the Jabal al Akrad, north of Aleppo; and a few villages south of Amuda and Jabal Abd al Aziz in the Jazirah. Most of the Yazidis work the land for Muslim landowners.

 

Syria's Kurds are almost entirely settled, but they retain much of their tribal organization. Although some groups in the Jazirah are seminomadic, most are village dwellers who cultivate wheat, barley, cotton, and rice. Urban Kurds engage in a number of occupations, but not generally in commerce. Many are manual laborers; some are employed as supervisors and foremen, a kind of work that has come to be considered their specialty. There are some Kurds in the civil service and the army, and a few have attained high rank. Most of the small wealthy group of Kurds derive their income from urban real estate.

 

Kurds who have left the more isolated villages and entered Arab society have generally adopted the dress and customs of the community in which they live. In the Jazirah, for example,many have adopted beduin dress, live in tents, and are generally indistinguishable from the beduin, except in speech. Most Kurds speak both Kirmanji and Arabic, although others, particularly those in Damascus, may speak only Arabic. Kurds who have entered the country in the present generation usually retain much of the language, dress, and customs of theirnative highlands.

 

For most Kurds, whether long established in Syria or recently arrived, tribal loyalty is stronger than national loyalty to either the Syrian state or to a Kurdish nation. They are traditionally distrustful of any government, particularly that in Damascus. However, relatively peaceful residence in Syria and gradual assimilation have mitigated their distrust of Syrian authorities.

 

Armenians

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+sy0037)

 

The Armenians are descendants of a people who have existed continuously in Transcaucasia since about the sixth century B.C. Although a small number of Armenians have been settled in the country for several generations, the bulk of those in Syria arrived in successive waves as refugees from Turkey between 1925 and 1945.

 

Like Armenians throughout the Middle East, Armenians in Syria are city or town dwellers. About 150,000 Armenians lived in Syria in the mid-1980s. Roughly 75 percent live in Aleppo, where they are a large and commercially important element, and fewer than 20 percent live in the Hayy al Arman (Quarter of the Armenians), a new section of Damascus. The remainder are scattered in cities and towns throughout the country, especially in the larger towns along the northern border of the Jazirah. Most Armenians belong to the Armenian Orthodox Church, but about 20,000 belong to the Armenian Catholic Church.

 

The Armenian language, which has its own alphabet, belongs to the Indo-European family at the same level as such other subfamilies as the Slavic and Italic languages. There is a classical form with an old, highly developed Christian literature, but modern Armenian differs essentially from the older form.

 

The Armenians work chiefly in trade, the professions, small industry, or crafts; a few are found in government service. In Aleppo, where some families have been traders for generations, their economic position is strong. Many of the technical and skilled workers of Damascus and Aleppo are Armenian; in the smaller towns they are generally small traders or craftsmen.

 

Armenians are the largest unassimilated group in Syria. They retain many of their own customs, maintain their own schools, and read newspapers in their own language. Some leaders adamantly oppose assimilation and stress the maintenance of Armenian identity. As Arab nationalism and socialism have become more important in Syrian political life, Armenians have found themselves under some pressure and have felt increasingly alienated. As a result, they were reported in the 1960s and early 1970s to have emigrated in large numbers.

 

Others

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+sy0038)

 

Small groups of Turkomans, Circassians, Assyrians, and Jews retain ethnic identities in Syria. Although the last two are primarily religious groups, they may also be considered ethnic communities because of the cultural consciousness developed over a period of many years.

 

The Turkomans are a Turkic-speaking people who moved into Syria from Central Asia. Originally nomadic, they are now seminomadic herdsmen in the Jazirah and along the lower reaches of the Euphrates River and settled agriculturalists in the Aleppo area. Although most Turkomans have assumed Arab dress and speak some Arabic, others still speak Turkic and retain some ethnic customs. Because they are Sunni Muslims, the Turkomans are likely to become further assimilated and may eventually disappear as a distinct group.

 

LEBANON

 

http://www.lebanonatlas.com/

 

Area & Population:                                           

 

Lebanon is a small country of only 10,452 sq km. From north to south it

extends 217 km  and from east to west it spans 80 km at its widest point.

It is bounded by Syria on both the north and east and by Palestine  on the south.

 

The Lebanese government had estimated in 1997 that the population was

3,111,828. However, An independent 1998 estimate placed the population at 3,505,794, yielding a population density of 335 persons per sq km (869 per sq mi).

 

Culture & History:

 

Lebanon’s rich history has been shaped by many cultural traditions, including Phoenician, Greek, Roman, Islamic (including Mameluke), Crusader, Ottoman Turkish, French, and recently American. The resulting culture is distinctively Lebanese, a combination of East and West, past and present. Folk music and dancing have a long tradition and are very popular. Influential Lebanese writers emerged in the early 20th century and greatly influenced the Arabic language. Painters, sculptors, and performers and producers in theater, film, and television have recently distinguished themselves.

 

Lebanon’s coastal plain is divided into several isolated sections by gorges, which are cut by streams that pour down the mountains in winter and spring. In ancient times, north-south movement along the plain was nearly impossible. Villages developed on larger sections of the plain, and those with good harbors and better agricultural areas evolved into the city-states of Phoenicia. These cities then used the Mediterranean Sea to communicate and trade with one another and beyond the coastal plain. Due to geographical and other barriers, however, Phoenicia never unified politically. Later, mountainous areas provided protection for groups seeking refuge, but these groups, too, were isolated and did not form a unified nation. The modern nation of Lebanon was formed after World War I (1914-1918), when the defeated Ottoman Empire, which had controlled the area, was divided. When France received a mandate from the League of Nations to rule Lebanon after the war, the region’s people were aligned along religious and cultural lines, but felt little unity based on a Lebanese nationality.

 

About Lebanon today,

http://www.lebanon.com/

For info on the government of Lebanon,

http://menic.utexas.edu/menic/Countries_and_Regions/Lebanon/Government/

 

 

 

 

 

 

  CHARACTERIZATION  OF THEIR LANGUAGE STRUCTURE

AND DISCOURSE RULES

 

Language

(Information was taken directly from the Lonely Planet Guides on Syria/Jordan, Jan. 1997;  and Lebanon, Feb.1998)

 

Arabic is the official language of Syria and Lebanon.  French is also spoken there, but an effort to communicate in the local language is appreciated.  To master the complexities of the Arabic language would take years of constant study. 

 

Types of Arabic Language

 

Classical Arabic:  Fus-ha’--The classical form is the language of the Qur’an and Arabic poetry of the past.  It remained used for a long time, but in order to survive it had to adapt to Modern Standard Arabic. 

 

MSA: Modern Standard Arabic:  MSA is the common language of the press, radio and educated discourse.  It is generally understood, if not well spoken.

 

Regional dialects:  The spoken dialects are neither all that far removed from one another, nor are they too distant for Modern Standard Arabic

 

Pronunciation

 

Pronunciation of Arabic can be tongue tying for someone unfamiliar with the intonation and combination of sounds.  One should pronounce the transliterated words slowly and clearly.

 

Vowels

 

Technically, there are three long and three short vowels in Arabic. The reality is a little different, with local dialect and varying consonant combinations affection their pronunciation.  This is the case throughout the Arab speaking world.  More like 5 short and five long vowels can be identified:

 

a          as the ‘a’ in had

e          as the ‘e’ in bet

i           as the ‘i’ in hit

o          as the ‘o’ in hot

u          as the ‘oo’ in book

 

A macron over a vowel indicates that the vowel has a long sound:

 

a          as the ‘a’ in faster

i           as the ‘e’ in ear only softer

u          as the ‘oo’ in food

 

Combinations of Vowels

 

Certain combinations of vowels with other vowels or with consonants form new sounds:

 

aw       as the ‘ow’ in how

ay        as the ‘i’ in high

 

Consonants

 

 Most of the consonants used in this section are the same as in English.  In Arabic, double consonants are both pronounced.

 the sounds represented by the letters, b, d, f,g, h, j, k, l, m,n,s, t, v, w, y, z.

 

sh’ represents the sound you find in ‘shoot’ in English

 

r’ is rolled slightly, as in French

 

q’ is like a K but from further back in the throat

 

h’ is heavily aspirated. Try breathing the letter out very hard from the back of the throat

 

gh’ the letter ’rayn’ is a hard one for westerners.  The sound is produced like a gargle from deep in the throat and rolled so it sounds a bit like the ’r’ in Paris.

 

Transliteration

 

It is important to note that transliteration from the Arabic scrip into English is at best an approximate science.  The presence of sounds unknown in European languages and the fact that the scrip is ‘defective’ (most vowels are not written) combine to make it nearly impossible to settle on one method of transliteration. It is important to remember that there is no absolutely correct way of spelling an Arabic word in English.  The best you can hope for is that the word reads as it is supposed to sound.  A wide variety of spellings is therefore possible for words when they appear in Latin. The whole thing is further complicated by the wide variety of dialects and the imaginative ideas Arabs themselves often have on appropriate spelling in English, for example.

 

 

  EXPECTATIONS THAT STUDENTS AND PARENTS HAVE ABOUT   SCHOOLING AND THEIR COMMUNITY

 

Education

 

http://cwr.utoronto.ca/Cultural/english/syria/learning.html ( May 2002)

http://www.lonelyplanet.com/destinations/middle_east/syria/ (May 2002)

http://www.lonelyplanet.com/destinations/middle_east/lebanon/  (May 2002)

The Lonely Planet:  Syria & Jordan  January 1997,  page 213

The Lonely Planet: Lebanon  February 1998,  page 35

Ghiath Abdallah -  A Syrian Tour Guide / Parent living in Damascus, Syria

 

In the 1970s, the literacy rate in Syria was estimated by some at

about 50%.  Today this number has increased to about 71%.  This

represents about 86% of men and 56% of women.  Recently, new laws have

been put in place which state that every child between the ages of 6 and

15 must attend school.  Parents who do not comply with this law will

face jail time or heavy fines.  In the past girls were not as highly

educated as boys, but this is changing as the female population is given

more opportunities in this heavily male dominated society.  Syria has

only 2 major Universities in Damascus and Aleppo and there are 2 smaller

Universities in Lattakia and Homs.  Competition for placement in these

Universities is fierce.

 

Lebanon has a much higher literacy rate at 95%.  Education is very

highly regarded and a degree from college is seen as the key to a better

life.  Children are strongly encouraged to study at college and university.  Lebanon has several highly regarded universities. Many Lebanese and Syrians come to the U.S. to take advantage of our educational opportunities.

 

Primary education is free in Syria and Lebanon. Secondary education

is free at state schools however, students pay a small fee for books and

other materials.  Most of the schools are run using the French system.

Students from ages 6 - 12 attend the elementary schools, students ages

12 - 15 attend preparatory school, and students ages 15 - 18 attend high

school.  Grades or “marks  and a written examination called the “al

kafa’aare very important for determining who will be able to attend

University after the completion of secondary school. Children wear

military- style uniforms.  Classes are held six days a week . Public

schools are open from Saturday - Thursday from 8:00 A.M. - 1:30 P.M.

Fridays are the Muslim’s day of worship.  The private schools are open

from Monday - Saturday also 8:00 A.M. - 1:30 P.M. and are run primarily

by churches.  Sunday is the day of worship observed by private schools.

The school year runs from May - September for both public and private

schools.    Due to overcrowding, many public classrooms are filled to

capacity with 35 - 45+ students.

 

In both Syria and Lebanon compulsory instruction in English and

French now takes place in school from the age of eight.   For a long

time, French was the foreign language of choice especially during the

years of French occupation.  All that has changed and English is now the

favorite of most young people.  The result is that more people are able

to converse to some extent in English.

 

Due to the complexities of the Arabic language, students are taught

to speak and write in Arabic using rote memorization.  Heavy amounts of

homework are given and expected to be completed every night.  Parents

are not encouraged to take an active role inside their child’s classroom,

however due to the homework load many parents spend a great

deal of time helping their child complete at home assignments.

 

Teachers are very highly regarded throughout both Syria and

Lebanon.  A child’s teacher is seen as an extension of the family and is

expected to take on an active role in helping to shape the child’s moral

and academic future.  It is not uncommon for a parent to bring a home

related problem to the attention of the teacher to be further dealt

with. In the past corporal punishment  was widely used in theclassroom

but, today it is no longer seen as an acceptable form of punishment.

Syrian and Lebanese parents have high expectations  from the American educational system.  The expectation is that American teachersare highly

trained and educated.  The hope is that the children are able to function in smaller classrooms and are not subjected to methods such as rote

memorization.

 

Community

 

http://cwr.utoronto.ca/Cultural/english/syria/family.html   (May 2002)

Ghiath Abdallah -  A Syrian Tour Guide / Parent living in Damascus, Syria

In a both Lebanon and Syria, having children is very important.

When a couple has a son, the mother and father are identified by the

name of their son.  If, for example, they name their first son Yassar,

the father becomes Abu Yassar or “father of Yassar” and the mother

becomes Umm Yassar or “mother of Yassar.”

 

Children in Syria usually do not leave their parents’ home until

they are married, and some newlywed couples live with their parents for

a few years after marriage. Weddings are major social events. Arranged

marriages are still common in Syria, especially in villages and among

the Bedouins. In the cities, there is usually more freedom to choose a

marriage partner, but the parents of both partners must agree to the

marriage. Before the wedding, the groom usually pays a bride-price

(majr) to the bride’s family.

 

Syrian and Lebanese men have a strong sense of individual and

family honor (known as ird). Women do not have equal status with men,

and men and women seldom socialize together, except within the family

home. Although it is legal for Muslims to have more than one wife, few

Syrians or Lebanese follow this practice.  Divorce is unusual in both

countries.

 

The elderly are treated with respect and remain with their families

all their lives. There are no nursing homes in Syria or Lebanon. When

there is a death in the family, there are usually three days of

mourning. Friends, relatives and neighbors visit the family during this

time. Women relatives of the person who has died are expected to wear

black for many months afterwards.

 

 

  FACTORS ABOUT THE GROUP THAT HAVE INFLUENCED

ITS IMMIGRATION TO THE U.S.

      

http://www.lonelyplanet.com/destinations/middle_east/syria/  (May 2002)

http://cwr.utoronto.ca/cultural/english/syria/syrtocan.html  (May 2002)

 

Considering that Syria is still on the U.S. State Department’s list

of seven countries sponsoring terrorism and the Syrian- backed Hezbollah

are based in southern Lebanon, it is very difficult for Syrians and

Lebanese to obtain a VISA to even visit the United States.  This was the

case even before the events of September 11,2001.  The ones who are

successful in Immigrating to the United States come to join family

members already living here, find employment or work in a place that has

granted them a green card, open a business, or take advantage of our

educational opportunities.  Many leave Syria and Lebanon to seek out a

better life with opportunities and freedoms that are not afforded to them in Lebanon or Syria.  Many hope to leave behind the legacy of war and turmoil

to find a better life for themselves and / or their children.

 

 

All website information was obtained during May 2002